I'd like to suggest another, perhaps deeper, answer to the question of the EU's current distress, though: to put it bluntly, the "democracy deficit" is a reflection of Europe's "God-deficit."
Ever since the United Kingdom decided in June to leave the European Union, contending (and sometimes overlapping) explanations have been offered for a vote that stunned the world's opinion-makers: a perceived loss of national sovereignty to a transnational organization; concerns over current EU immigration policy and the effect of open EU borders on jobs and the rule of law; aggravations with petty bureaucratic regulation by EU mandarins in Brussels. Together, these amount to what's often called the EU's "democracy deficit," which seems to me real enough.
I'd like to suggest another, perhaps deeper, answer to the question of the EU's current distress, though: to put it bluntly, the "democracy deficit" is a reflection of Europe's "God-deficit." Let me connect the dots.
The founding fathers of today's European Union -- which began with the European Coal and Steel Community before morphing into the European Common Market and then the EU -- were, in the main, Catholics: Italy's Alcide de Gasperi, West Germany's Konrad Adenauer, France's Robert Schumann. Appalled by the self-destruction that Europe had wrought in two world wars, they sought an answer to aggressive nationalism in economic partnerships that would bind the West Franks (the French) to the East Franks (the Germans) so that war between them would be inconceivable. It was a practical idea, it worked, and it was understood to be the first step toward forms of political partnership and integration.
The wager underlying this project, as these men conceived it, was that there was enough of Christian or biblical culture left in Europe to sustain democratic pluralism in a "union" of sovereign states that would respect national and regional distinctiveness. And that Christian or biblical "remainder" involved the Catholic social-ethical principle of "subsidiarity:" the idea that decision-making should be left at the lowest possible local level (as in classic American federalism, where local governments do some things, state governments do other things, and the national government does things that local and state governments can't do).
"Subsidiarity" is a check against the tendency of all modern states to concentrate power at the center: which explains why the principle was first articulated by Pope Pius XI in 1931, as the shadow of totalitarianism lengthened across Europe. Respect for the social-ethical principle of "subsidiarity" also implies respect for cultural difference. And that, in turn, assumes that human beings get to universal commitments -- like respect for basic human rights -- through particular experiences, not through generalized abstractions. Or as Polish editor Jerzy Turowicz said to me twenty-five years ago, John Paul II was a "European" because he was a Cracovian, the heir of a particular experience of pluralism and tolerance, not despite the fact that he came from a unique cultural milieu.
When biblical religion collapsed, as it manifestly has in most of Old Europe and too much of New Europe after 1989, commitments to subsidiarity and its respect for difference imploded as well. The vacuum was then filled by a monochromatic, anti-pluralist notion of "democracy". Embodied in EU law and enforced by unaccountable bureaucrats and EU courts, the results of this decayed democratic idea went far beyond idiotic regulations on the shape of tomatoes and bananas to include a concerted attempt to impose a single political culture in Europe, best described as the culture of personal autonomy -- the Culture of the Self. That pseudo-culture is the hollowed-out shell of the Christian personalism that once inspired de Gasperi, Adenauer, Schumann, and the mid-20th-century Christian Democratic parties of Europe. And its political by-product is the EU's "democracy deficit."
Forty years ago, German constitutional scholar Ernst-Friedrich Boeckenfoerde argued that the modern, liberal-democratic state faced a dilemma: it rested on the foundation of moral-cultural premises -- social capital -- it could not itself generate. Put another way, it takes a certain kind of people, formed by a certain kind of culture to live certain virtues, to keep liberal democracy from decaying into new forms of authoritarianism -- more pungently described in 2005 by a distinguished European intellectual, Joseph Ratzinger, as a "dictatorship of relativism." The Boeckenfoerde Dilemma is on full display in the European Union, which is in deep trouble because of a democracy deficit that is, at bottom, a subsidiarity-deficit caused by a God-deficit.
Americans would be very foolish to think ourselves immune to a similar crisis of political culture.